Letter from the Communist Party to the Revolutionary Comrades of the Kuomintang
Release time:
2018-02-25
(August 2, 1927)
On August 2, the Communist Party of China, in the name of the Central Committee, sent a letter to the revolutionary comrades of the Kuomintang, stating:
To the revolutionary comrades of the Kuomintang:
This letter from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China is sent during the most critical period of life and death for the Kuomintang. The leaders of the Kuomintang have betrayed the revolutionary principles and policies, oppressing the workers' and peasants' movements, and splitting from the Communist Party. This split can turn the Kuomintang into a tool of reactionaries and a puppet of counter-revolutionary soldiers.
The Wuhan government was originally the center of the revolutionary struggle against Chiang Kai-shek's reaction, but now, under the tyranny of reactionary warlords and their political leaders, it has become a warlord government. The Wuhan government is now no different from the public enemy of the revolution represented by Chiang Kai-shek and others.
The betrayal of the current leaders of the Kuomintang is essentially because they are willing to represent the feudal bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie, and when the real struggle of the revolutionary laboring masses begins, they are afraid of losing their privileges and are extremely frightened by the broad development of the mass movement. Therefore, they would rather betray the revolution and compromise with feudal forces.
They (the leaders of the Kuomintang) only want to use the revolutionary movement and the masses as their tools, wanting to walk over the corpses of the revolutionary masses, soldiers, and party members to establish the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. They do not wish for the laboring masses to achieve true liberation and genuine civil rights; they would rather compromise again with world imperialism and collude with feudal gentry, as long as they can suppress the struggles of the oppressed classes in China and make them submit.
The events of March 20 were the first attempt by the feudal bourgeoisie faction to seize power within the Kuomintang during the national movement. At that time, the pseudo-left leaders could not organize revolutionaries and all forces to resist this reaction, allowing reactionary forces to overshadow Guangdong. The pseudo-left leader Wang Jingwei fled abroad, retreating without a fight. His intention seemed to be: 'The masses will be able to deal with the new warlords; we just need to wait for success and return to take the leading position.' Eight months after March 20, in January of this year, Chiang Kai-shek again attempted a coup by moving the capital to Nanchang. At that time, the pseudo-left leaders could not immediately courageously decide to call on the masses to rise and fight with him; they hesitated and wavered for a full two months, during which Chiang Kai-shek took advantage of this time to organize and unite reactionary forces, leading to the massacre of Shanghai workers and compromising with imperialism and its lackeys.
The pseudo-left leaders like Wang Jingwei have now revealed their true colors. In March of this year, at the third plenary session of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang, the surface resolutions appeared very revolutionary, but the pseudo-left leaders were unwilling to implement them. These resolutions stipulated the implementation of land reform, labor legislation, and civilian autonomy, etc. However, when the masses truly rose up and fought bravely following the slogans proposed at the third plenary session, these so-called left leaders not only refused to become leaders in the struggle for the masses but also harbored hatred and suspicion towards these mass movements. In April of this year, the Central Committee of the Kuomintang had already refused to implement land reform. The pseudo-left leaders often cursed the peasant movement as excessive, claiming that peasant associations were nothing but thugs and bandits, not only failing to assist the peasants in their hard struggles but also rewarding reactionary officers who oppressed the peasants. The struggles of urban shop workers also faced their hostility. They repeatedly suppressed workers and shop employees while allowing reactionary compradors and gentry to run rampant. The fate of labor laws, like that of rural autonomy regulations and land laws, has also remained unpublished; although there may be sporadic so-called protective orders for workers and peasants, they have never been implemented, allowing corrupt officials and military commanders to oppress the masses and comprador capitalists to attack workers. In short, although the third plenary session of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang had many revolutionary resolutions, in fact, the leaders of the Kuomintang have not implemented any political or legal powers to realize these resolutions and alleviate the suffering of workers, peasants, and small merchants, but instead used the political and legal powers of the National Government to oppress workers and peasants.
Recently, under the tyranny of reactionary officers from the Feng Yuxiang and Tang Shengzhi factions, the leaders of the Kuomintang made the final decision to oppress the workers' and peasants' movements, thus breaking with the Communist Party. Now they want to cover up these reactionary policies and instead blame the Communist Party for being disloyal to the Kuomintang. For example, Sun Ke, in a conversation with American journalists in May, said that the Kuomintang wanted Communist Party members to be ministers in the Kuomintang government, purely to facilitate dealing with the workers' and peasants' movements. Wang Jingwei and others share this view. Is this considered a loyal attitude towards the Communist Party? This is indeed to use the Communist Party as a tool to oppress the workers' and peasants' movements. The Communist Party will never allow itself to be used in this way, but the leaders of the Kuomintang, precisely because the Communist Party refuses to help them oppress the workers' and peasants' movements, would rather break with the Communist Party.
Since the leaders of the Kuomintang cannot understand the fundamental duties of the revolution and cannot represent the urgent hopes and demands of the masses of the Kuomintang, they are unworthy of being called the leaders of the Kuomintang. They are usurpers of power and politicians who suppress the revolutionary will of the entire Kuomintang. Now, since the leaders of the Kuomintang have handed the Kuomintang over to the control of reactionary generals, it is indeed the most urgent demand to require the Kuomintang organization to be popularized, allowing the majority of party members and masses to elect revolutionary leaders.
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